by Gregory Lebens-Higgins
NOTE: Resolutions referenced below can be found in the Proposal Compendium available here (bit.ly/2025-proposals). A longer account of the proceedings is available here (bit.ly/2025-con).
From August 8 to 10, delegates from across the country gathered for DSA’s National Convention in Chicago to chart the course of the organization for the next two years. Rochester sent seven delegates (and one alternate), including myself.
The convention occurred in the context of Zohran Mamdani’s monumental victory on a platform of affordable housing, free childcare, reimagining public safety, and taxing the rich. Supported by a campaign infrastructure of DSA organizers, Zohran’s connection with working class voters set him on the path to become New York City’s next mayor. His win “represents the culmination of eight years of work,” said DSA Co-Chair Ashik S. (Wilmington) (Groundwork) in his opening remarks to the convention.
Also informing debate in Chicago was the ongoing Palestinian genocide tearing apart international relations and human rights, despite mass protests and global disapproval. Complicity in Israel’s actions and failure to resist Trump has discredited the Democratic Party, while the Republican Party surfs a fascist wave to authoritarian power.
These circumstances present significant challenges, but also opportunity. The working class is seeking an alternative to the status quo. As the largest socialist organization in the country, DSA is stepping into the void to offer meaningful change. With the theme “Rebirth and Beyond,” the convention resolved internal tensions by solidifying democratic practices and refining our vision for the organization, and prepared for the fight ahead alongside labor and international allies.
Centering Democracy
DSA is a member run organization. Ninety-percent of the budget comes from member dues, as the Budget & Finance Committee describes: “Our financial health is directly tied to membership levels, dues sustainability, and retention.” Developing a healthy and sustainable organization means prioritizing democratic processes and accountability among members.
On the matter of accountability, delegates passed a unified grievance policy for chapters and national bodies (CR08), “creating a space that is welcoming and inclusive to members of all genders, races, and classes,” and “ensur[ing] that everyone is able to organize without fear of harassment, abuse, or harm.”
The convention also set minimum requirements for chapters, establishing a “chapter affiliation agreement” (CR01) that requires incorporating the Code of Conduct, holding at minimum one meeting per year with voting rights for all members, and hosting a digital platform to facilitate intra-chapter communication.
The chapter affiliation agreement represents the work of DSA’s Democracy Commission, a body created in 2023 to consider “what are the essential elements of chapter democracy that every member has a right to?” Passing with 82% approval, the Commission’s Constitution and Bylaws amendments (CB01) facilitate political exchange between chapters and National, expand DSA’s National Political Committee (NPC), and set expectations for leadership.
As a member run organization, questions arise over DSA’s relationship to staff. Staff play an important role in the day-to-day functions of the organization, but may lack a clear relationship to our political mission. A proposal from Bread & Roses (R27) encourages staff to become politically engaged in the organization and prioritizes hiring among members. Though Cara T. (At-Large) (Groundwork) expressed concern for retaliation, DSA’s staff union affirmed that “R27 does not … change our longstanding freedom to have political opinions as members of DSA,” and the resolution passed with 58% support. Notably, staff are barred from becoming caucus members. Staffing is also relevant to DSA’s budget—in 2024, a budget crisis was resolved with staff layoffs. A resolution (R44) from Libertarian Socialist Caucus to cap staff expenditures and limit hiring failed by a mere eleven votes.
Leadership decisions are currently left to delegates at convention. One of the most contested proposals, One Member, One Vote (1M1V), proposed by Groundwork, would have expanded these decisions to the entire body. Those in favor argued that a majority of members are disenfranchised, and that the policy would overcome disconnect between members and National. Those opposed stressed the importance of in-person deliberation, and a concern for brigading by nefarious actors: “If they can find a way to ratfuck us, they will,” said Peter T. (East Bay). 1M1V for federal endorsements (R06) was deemed out of order by the Chair over the inclusion of a polling method inconsistent with the bylaws, but a vote upholding this decision demonstrated an overall lack of support for the resolution, since a similar challenge to R33 was overturned. For DSA’s National Leadership elections (CB02), 1M1V was voted down on the merits with only 39.8% support.
DSA is a Party
The United States is a two party system, with entrenched Democratic and Republican parties controlling ballot access and election infrastructure. DSA is often forced to use the Democratic Party line to get DSA candidates on the ballot. A future “dirty break” from the Democrats is core to DSA’s identity—will DSA remain a junior partner to the Democrats, or begin building its own party?
At the convention, DSA began building toward independence. Principles for Party Building (R07), submitted by Marxist Unity Group, commits DSA “to the goal of becoming an independent mass socialist party.” Avoiding the irrelevance of third parties in the United States, the resolution recognizes that “a ballot line is not the primary goal or indication of political independence.” (A separate proposal to run on an independent ballot line [R33-A02] failed.) Instead, DSA must bring “our independent organization and program to races whether on a Democratic, independent, or third-party ballot line.” This strategy centers DSA in fielding and supporting candidates who represent the organization’s principles, rather than merely endorsing the most progressive Democratic candidates. “The only people that can decide what DSA does are DSA members,” argued Connell H. (River Valley). The resolution passed 641 to 551.
DSA’s party formation will be informed by the “Workers Deserve More” program (R34), which was renewed and amended based on commitments made at the convention. Beyond merely identifying DSA’s political priorities, the Bread & Roses proposal provides an “implementation plan” by committing resources to publicize and enact the program. The program passed by a vote of 900 to 291. A competing program from Marxist Unity Group and Reform & Revolution (R34-A01) failed to garner support.
This party structure and program will soon be put to use. Delegates resolved to create a “Congressional Subcommittee” under DSA’s National Electoral Commission (NEC) to identify viable races in the 2026 congressional midterms, and to “identify, recruit, and support a viable democratic socialist candidate for President” in 2028 (R18; see also CR05-A04 and R33). NEC’s consensus resolution (CR05) prioritizes DSA members as candidates, and establishes a Socialists-In-Office network to “support, organize, and collaborate with DSA members who hold elected government office.” Federal candidates will also be subject to a more robust endorsement process, requiring NPC to meet with candidates and consider input from NEC and members (CR05-A03).
Labor Solidarity
Another big question for DSA is our orientation toward labor. Do we focus on bread-and-butter issues, or preparing the working class for revolution? Reform existing unions, or form our own?
The National Labor Commission’s (NLC) consensus resolution (CR10) lays out a labor strategy for the organization. This includes activating union members within DSA, salting workplaces to form new unions, organizing Amazon (see also R40), solidarity with federal workers (CR10-A03), and preparing for the May Day 2028 general strike (see also R30, as amended by R30-A01). It directs material support for the Labor Solidarity Fund and Emergency Workplace Organizing Committee (EWOC), and commits to “building militant, class-struggle unions” established on democratic principles laid out in the resolution.
How explicit should DSA make socialist politics when organizing workers? An amendment (CR10-A01) sought to organize unions toward a party program: “If we can talk about bread and butter, then we can talk about socialism too,” said Sara M. (Portland) (Reform & Revolution). While this amendment failed, a resolution committing DSA to running “labor candidates” (R20) was clarified with an amendment (R20-A01) that would “center socialism” within these campaigns.
DSA is also organizing labor power toward ending the Palestinian genocide. A resolution from the Carnation Program, Labor for an Arms Embargo (R42), directs the NLC to build political pressure for an arms embargo with union support. An amendment proposed by Springs of Revolution (R42-A01) would prioritize organizing workers toward a strike to achieve this purpose. Sarah A. (East Bay) pointed out that “we saw less than one-fourth of the hands in this room raised when asked if [delegates] were in a union.” Palestinian liberation can’t wait for us to build up union capacity for such a strike. A vote on the amendment failed with 35.4%, while the unamended resolution passed by a show of cards.
International Allies
Ending the genocide was at the top of delegates’ minds. Many of those present wore keffiyehs, and the convention was shadowed with news of further escalation by Israel.
AOC’s recent vote for Iron Dome funding also played behind the scenes. Representative Rashida Tlaib, the keynote speaker, challenged those who declare themselves progressive on other issues or say they support only ‘defensive’ weapons. “A weapon is a weapon,” declared Tlaib. “You either support ending funding for genocide, or you don’t.” The decision of whether to censure AOC will be left to the new NPC.
DSA reaffirmed “our unwavering solidarity with the Palestinian people in the struggle against Zionist settler colonization, Israeli apartheid, and US imperialism.” A Unified Democratic Socialist Strategy for Palestinian Solidarity (R36) devotes resources toward the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) campaign, state and local pro-Palestine legislation, student activism, and union trainings. For a Fighting Anti-Zionist DSA (R22), also commits DSA to Stop Fueling Genocide, No Appetite for Apartheid, and Mask Off Maersk to accentuate BDS targeting.
More controversial were R22’s standards for DSA members and electeds—affirming material support for Zionism as an expellable offense. Springs of Revolution motivated R22 to “confirm conclusively that Zionism—responsible for wars and genoide—has no place in the socialist movement.” Fifty-seven chapters had already passed similar resolutions.
DSA members from Socialist Majority Caucus and Groundwork argued that R22 is more worried about disciplining members than focusing on the actions we need to win, expressing concern that ambiguity in the resolution will be used for politically motivated expulsions. We need to win politicians and members to an anti-Zionist vision, they argued, not expel them. An amendment to remove the expulsion provisions failed. The resolution passed 675 to 524, to an eruption of “Free, Free Palestine.”
What happens after the genocide ends? Should DSA support a one-state solution? A commitment to a “democratic Palestinian state in the whole of historic Palestine, with explicit and enforced protections for all ethnic and religious minorities” (R01) was introduced by Libertarian Socialist Caucus. Competing visions were also proposed. From Springs of Revolution, “a commitment to al-Thawabit, the red lines of the Palestinian people adopted by the Palestinian National Council in 1977” (R01-A01). Another (R01-A02), would align DSA with the “One Democratic State Campaign.” Ultimately, each failed to win support. These are questions for another day.
More broadly, DSA resolved to “build an internationalist party,” passing the International Committee’s Consensus Resolution (CR02), and committing to organize with Progressive International. On Saturday afternoon, a cross-organizational exchange featured representatives from around the world, answering questions on international solidarity, confronting imperialism, and advice for DSA’s internal democracy and direction. These included Patria Grande (Argentina), the Workers Party of Belgium, Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (Brazil), the Workers Party of Brazil, Democratic Socialists of Canada, La France Insoumise, Social Democratic Party (Japan), Morena (Mexico), and International Coalition for Human Rights in the Philippines.
The convention closed with messages of solidarity from Cuban Deputy Foreign Affairs Minister Carlos Fernández de Cossío Domínguez, and British Member of Parliament Jeremy Corbyn. Corbyn is building a new organization on DSA’s model: action based, democratic, and focused on social justice and equality. The inaugural conference will be held later this year, and the organization will be working with DSA and progressive organizations all over the world, creating “a new Atlantic Alliance”—this one based on peace and justice.
Socialism Beats Fascism
Following the convention, criticism was made that not enough time was spent debating Trump. But we already agree that Trump is bad for the working class, and are aware of his encroachments on our civil rights and shared humanity. Several resolutions focused on Trump passed on the Consent Agenda, including From Palestine to Mexico: Fighting Fascist Attacks on Immigrants (R19), and Fight Fascist State Repression & ICE (R26) (by Springs of Revolution). These resolutions recognize the Trump administration as “an increasingly authoritarian and anti-immigrant regime that has promised and delivered increasingly cruel attacks on migrants to uphold white supremacy, capitalism, and imperialism,” and call to abolish ICE and engage in solidarity with immigrants by distributing know your rights materials, expanding sanctuary city legislation, establishing a Collective Defense Fund, and “prepar[ing] the organization for a national uprising against federal agents and police brutality.”
How does DSA confront fascism? By building a democratic structure that promises the working class an alternative to the status quo or reactionary politics. Americans voted for Trump as the result of Democrats’ political nihilism and a desire for change. But now, “we’re the ones who are building an alternative to our current crisis,” said Co-Chair Ashik S. (Wilmington) (Groundwork). “We’re rebuilding a flame that people tried very hard to extinguish.”
Carrying the Fight Forward
DSA is a mass movement focused on programmatic unity rather than ideological dogma. The new NPC, composed (with one exception) of caucused members, demonstrates our diversity. Megan R. (At-Large) (Red Star) and Ashik S. (Wilmington) (Groundwork) were reelected as Co-Chairs. In addition, the NPC includes four of Groundwork’s seven candidates, four of Socialist Majority Caucus’ seven candidates, four of Springs of Revolution’s five candidates, Marxist Unity Group’s slate of three candidates, three of Bread & Roses’ five candidates, two of Red Star’s four candidates, one of Libertarian Socialist Caucus’ three candidates, Reform & Revolution’s candidate, and one candidate from Carnation Program. YDSA Co-Chairs Daniel S-C. (Florida International University) (Reform & Revolution) and Sara A. (Cornell University) (uncaucused), also hold seats.
Despite the obvious disagreements represented by these ideological groupings, delegates from the convention left as allies. “Look around you,” said Co-Chair Megan R. (At-Large) (Red Star), “and recognize how much each person contributes to the cause.” The motivation to achieve victory for the working class burned in every soul present at the convention. “Our job is to carry that flame back to our chapters, workplaces, communities, social spaces—and set the whole world on fire. … The future starts now.”
The convention closed with singing; the lyrics of the Internationale reminding us: “the international working class shall free the human race.” In the words of Tlaib, “Our movement isn’t going anywhere, and we’re just getting started.”